The Power of the Hitler "myth"

Hitler and the Nazis perpetuated the gulf but transform its emphasis, by means of propaganda. The power of the Hitler " novel," conceived and developed during the years of the Weimar Republic, increased, to be used as a nationalistic rallying sign and counterpoint to competing symbols of German character (the church and rival semipolitical conceptualizations such as democracy and communism), which were exposed as short-handed to the task of leading the German people and reclaiming what was held to be Germany's greatness.

How the myth could gather in emerged from the man is suggested by the manner in which Hitler appears to ask absorbed the lessons of history. Hitler's omnivorous acceptance of certain mythic stereotypes and a willingness to place himself at the center of a romanticized heroic dream, had the feat of investing his idiosyncratic experience with meaning for others. For example, he states in Mein Kampf: "Today it seems to me providential that fate should have chosen Braunau am Inn as my birthplace. . . . This little city on the march seems to me the symbol of a great mission."

This is not to suggest that national socialism was not a practical and cynical project, for Hitler appears to have been angiotensin-converting enzyme at seizing opportunity for realization (= making real) of what efficiency be called his world view, ideas derived from anti-Semitic books or books on German myth that were "mostly shallow and shabby, often grotesque and preposterous, and poisoned by outlandish prejudi

Acquiescence took a variety of forms. When disaffected generals in 1938 plotted to depose Hitler in a coup in protest of what was anticipated to be an abortive takeover of Czechoslovakia that would be disastrous for the German army, their motives were not "to bring an end to an evil tyranny, but only to head off a lost war. When Hitler called a conference at Munich to arrest what he wanted peacefully, the plotters saw no justification for argue him." If Mein Kampf, drafted in prison, articulated the propagandistic line that was to dominate the Reich, it was besides the carapace that, as Shirer points out, Mein Kampf had "roots deep in German history and thought.

" Hitler exploited this thought in a agency that positioned him as embodiment of the Reich and above whatever problems Germans may have had with the Nazi Party and the governance apparatus of the Reich.

Charismatic leadership, whether for favourable or ill, seems to be a key factor of political, social, and economic history. The characteristic such figures share is their force of personality, for they "inspire anomalous performance in followers as well as build their trust, faith, and belief in their leader." This is consistent with Kershaw's description of the Fuhrer cult, which as a matter of party policy was meant to stand as a proxy for virtually any disagreement or potential ambiguity that might be encountered in the develop political environment, both inside and outside the party. In the case of Germany's experience with Hitler, the fiction of the Fuhrer's personality, genius, and power did much to conceal the fragility or disarray of the political apparatus that he headed. Hitler was but culpable in this; Shirer cites a 1935 "peace" speech in which Hitler pledged to observe the Versailles Treaty while secretly rearming and parliamentary procedure the occupation of the Rhineland: "Hitler's 'peace' proposals always and always would [sound fine], for he was a overlord propagandist. Actually . . . they were pure fraud."

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